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Official English translation of the Regensburg lecture
from Vatican site:

APOSTOLIC JOURNEY OF HIS HOLINESS BENEDICT XVI
TO MÜNCHEN, ALTÖTTING AND REGENSBURG
(SEPTEMBER 9-14, 2006)
MEETING WITH THE REPRESENTATIVES OF SCIENCE
LECTURE OF THE HOLY FATHER
Aula Magna of the University of Regensburg
Tuesday, 12 September 2006
Faith, Reason and the University Memories and
Reflections
Your Eminences, Your Magnificences, Your Excellencies, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is a moving experience for me to be back again in the university and to
be able once again to give a lecture at this podium. I think back to those
years when, after a pleasant period at the Freisinger Hochschule, I began
teaching at the University of Bonn. That was in 1959, in the days of the old
university made up of ordinary professors. The various chairs had neither
assistants nor secretaries, but in recompense there was much direct contact
with students and in particular among the professors themselves. We would
meet before and after lessons in the rooms of the teaching staff. There was a
lively exchange with historians, philosophers, philologists and, naturally,
between the two theological faculties. Once a semester there was a dies
academicus, when professors from every faculty appeared before the
students of the entire university, making possible a genuine experience of
universitas - something that you too, Magnificent Rector, just mentioned -
the experience, in other words, of the fact that despite our specializations
which at times make it difficult to communicate with each other, we made up a
whole, working in everything on the basis of a single rationality with its
various aspects and sharing responsibility for the right use of reason - this
reality became a lived experience. The university was also very proud of its
two theological faculties. It was clear that, by inquiring about the
reasonableness of faith, they too carried out a work which is necessarily part
of the "whole" of the universitas scientiarum, even if not everyone
could share the faith which theologians seek to correlate with reason as a
whole. This profound sense of coherence within the universe of reason was not
troubled, even when it was once reported that a colleague had said there was
something odd about our university: it had two faculties devoted to something
that did not exist: God. That even in the face of such radical scepticism it
is still necessary and reasonable to raise the question of God through the use
of reason, and to do so in the context of the tradition of the Christian
faith: this, within the university as a whole, was accepted without question.
I was reminded of all this recently, when I read the edition by Professor
Theodore Khoury (Münster) of part of the dialogue carried on - perhaps in 1391
in the winter barracks near Ankara - by the erudite Byzantine emperor Manuel
II Paleologus and an educated Persian on the subject of Christianity and
Islam, and the truth of both. It was presumably the emperor himself who set
down this dialogue, during the siege of Constantinople between 1394 and 1402;
and this would explain why his arguments are given in greater detail than
those of his Persian interlocutor. The dialogue ranges widely over the
structures of faith contained in the Bible and in the Qur'an, and deals
especially with the image of God and of man, while necessarily returning
repeatedly to the relationship between - as they were called - three "Laws"
or "rules of life": the Old Testament, the New Testament and the Qur'an. It
is not my intention to discuss this question in the present lecture; here I
would like to discuss only one point - itself rather marginal to the dialogue
as a whole - which, in the context of the issue of "faith and reason", I found
interesting and which can serve as the starting-point for my reflections on
this issue.In the seventh conversation (διάλεξις
- controversy) edited by Professor
Khoury, the emperor touches on the theme of the holy war. The emperor must
have known that surah 2, 256 reads: "There is no compulsion in religion".
According to the experts, this is one of the suras of the early period, when
Mohammed was still powerless and under threat. But naturally the emperor also
knew the instructions, developed later and recorded in the Qur'an, concerning
holy war. Without descending to details, such as the difference in treatment
accorded to those who have the "Book" and the "infidels", he addresses his
interlocutor with a startling brusqueness, a brusqueness which leaves us
astounded, on the central question about the
relationship between religion and violence in general, saying: "Show me just
what Mohammed brought that was new, and there you will find things only evil
and inhuman, such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached".
The emperor, after having expressed himself so forcefully, goes on to explain
in detail the reasons why spreading the faith through violence is something
unreasonable. Violence is incompatible with the nature of God and the nature
of the soul. "God", he says, "is not pleased by blood - and not acting
reasonably (σὺν λόγω) is contrary to God's nature. Faith is born of the soul,
not the body. Whoever would lead someone to faith needs the ability to speak
well and to reason properly, without violence and threats... To convince a
reasonable soul, one does not need a strong arm, or weapons of any kind, or any
other means of threatening a person with death...".
The decisive statement in this argument against violent conversion is this:
not to act in accordance with reason is contrary to God's nature. The editor,
Theodore Khoury, observes: For the emperor, as a Byzantine shaped by Greek
philosophy, this statement is self-evident. But for Muslim teaching, God is
absolutely transcendent. His will is not bound up with any of our categories,
even that of rationality. Here Khoury quotes a work of the noted French
Islamist R. Arnaldez, who points out that Ibn Hazm went so far as to state
that God is not bound even by his own word, and that nothing would oblige him
to reveal the truth to us. Were it God's will, we would even have to practise
idolatry.At this point, as far as understanding of God and thus the concrete
practice of religion is concerned, we are faced with an unavoidable dilemma.
Is the conviction that acting unreasonably contradicts God's nature merely a
Greek idea, or is it always and intrinsically true? I believe that here we
can see the profound harmony between what is Greek in the best sense of the
word and the biblical understanding of faith in God. Modifying the first
verse of the Book of Genesis, the first verse of the whole Bible, John began
the prologue of his Gospel with the words: "In the beginning was the
λόγος".
This is the very word used by the emperor: God acts, σὺν λόγω, with logos.
Logos means both reason and word - a reason which is creative and
capable of self-communication, precisely as reason. John thus spoke the final
word on the biblical concept of God, and in this word all the often toilsome
and tortuous threads of biblical faith find their culmination and synthesis.
In the beginning was the logos, and the logos is God, says the
Evangelist. The encounter between the Biblical message and Greek thought did
not happen by chance. The vision of Saint Paul, who saw the roads to Asia
barred and in a dream saw a Macedonian man plead with him: "Come over to
Macedonia and help us!" (cf. Acts 16:6-10) - this vision can be
interpreted as a "distillation" of the intrinsic necessity of a rapprochement
between Biblical faith and Greek inquiry.
In point of fact, this rapprochement had been going on for some time. The
mysterious name of God, revealed from the burning bush, a name which separates
this God from all other divinities with their many names and simply declares
"I
am", already presents a challenge to the notion of myth, to which Socrates'
attempt to vanquish and transcend myth stands in close analogy. Within the
Old Testament, the process which started at the burning bush came to new
maturity at the time of the Exile, when the God of Israel, an Israel now
deprived of its land and worship, was proclaimed as the God of heaven and
earth and described in a simple formula which echoes the words uttered at the
burning bush: "I am". This new understanding of God is accompanied by a kind
of enlightenment, which finds stark expression in the mockery of gods who are
merely the work of human hands (cf. Ps 115). Thus, despite the bitter
conflict with those Hellenistic rulers who sought to accommodate it forcibly to
the customs and idolatrous cult of the Greeks, biblical faith, in the
Hellenistic period, encountered the best of Greek thought at a deep level,
resulting in a mutual enrichment evident especially in the later wisdom
literature. Today we know that the Greek translation of the Old Testament
produced at Alexandria - the Septuagint - is more than a simple (and in that
sense really less than satisfactory) translation of the Hebrew text: it is an
independent textual witness and a distinct and important step in the history of
revelation, one which brought about this encounter in a way that was decisive
for the birth and spread of Christianity. A profound encounter of faith and
reason is taking place here, an encounter between genuine enlightenment and
religion. From the very heart of Christian faith and, at the same time, the
heart of Greek thought now joined to faith, Manuel II was able to say: Not to
act "with logos" is contrary to God's nature.In all honesty, one must
observe that in the late Middle Ages we find trends in theology which would
sunder this synthesis between the Greek spirit and the Christian spirit. In
contrast with the so-called intellectualism of Augustine and Thomas, there arose
with Duns Scotus a voluntarism which, in its later developments, led to the
claim that we can only know God's voluntas
ordinata. Beyond this is the realm of God's freedom, in virtue of which
he could have done the opposite of everything he has actually done. This
gives rise to positions which clearly approach those of Ibn Hazm and might
even lead to the image of a capricious God, who is not even bound to truth and
goodness. God's transcendence and otherness are so exalted that our reason,
our sense of the true and good, are no longer an authentic mirror of God,
whose deepest possibilities remain eternally unattainable and hidden behind
his actual decisions. As opposed to this, the faith of the Church has always
insisted that between God and us, between his eternal Creator Spirit and our
created reason there exists a real analogy, in which - as the Fourth Lateran
Council in 1215 stated - unlikeness remains infinitely greater than likeness,
yet not to the point of abolishing analogy and its language. God does not
become more divine when we push him away from us in a sheer, impenetrable
voluntarism; rather, the truly divine God is the God who has revealed himself
as logos and, as logos, has acted and continues to act lovingly
on our behalf. Certainly, love, as Saint Paul says, "transcends" knowledge
and is thereby capable of perceiving more than thought alone (cf. Eph
3:19); nonetheless it continues to be love of the God who is Logos.
Consequently, Christian worship is, again to quote Paul - "λογικη
λατρεία",
worship in harmony with the eternal Word and with our reason (cf. Rom
12:1).
This inner rapprochement between Biblical faith and Greek philosophical
inquiry was an event of decisive importance not only from the standpoint of
the history of religions, but also from that of world history - it is an event
which concerns us even today. Given this convergence, it is not surprising
that Christianity, despite its origins and some significant developments in
the East, finally took on its historically decisive character in Europe. We
can also express this the other way around: this convergence, with the
subsequent addition of the Roman heritage, created Europe and remains the
foundation of what can rightly be called Europe.The thesis that the critically purified Greek heritage forms an integral part of
Christian faith has been countered by the call for a dehellenization of
Christianity - a call which has more and more dominated theological discussions
since the beginning of the modern age. Viewed more closely, three stages can
be observed in the programme of dehellenization: although interconnected, they
are clearly distinct from one another in their motivations and objectives.
Dehellenization first emerges in connection with the postulates of the
Reformation in the sixteenth century. Looking at the tradition of scholastic
theology, the Reformers thought they were confronted with a faith system totally
conditioned by philosophy, that is to say an articulation of the faith based on
an alien system of thought. As a result, faith no longer appeared as a living
historical Word but as one element of an overarching philosophical system. The
principle of sola scriptura, on the other hand, sought faith in its pure,
primordial form, as originally found in the biblical Word. Metaphysics appeared
as a premise derived from another source, from which faith had to be liberated
in order to become once more fully itself. When Kant stated that he needed to
set thinking aside in order to make room for faith, he carried this programme
forward with a radicalism that the Reformers could never have foreseen. He thus
anchored faith exclusively in practical reason, denying it access to reality as
a whole.
The liberal theology of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries ushered in a
second stage in the process of dehellenization, with Adolf von Harnack as its
outstanding representative. When I was a student, and in the early years of my
teaching, this programme was highly influential in Catholic theology too. It
took as its point of departure Pascal's distinction between the God of the philosophers and the God of Abraham, Isaac
and Jacob. In my inaugural lecture at Bonn in 1959, I tried to address the
issue, and I do not intend to repeat here what I said on that occasion, but I
would like to describe at least briefly what was new about this second stage of
dehellenization. Harnack's central idea was to return simply to the man Jesus and to his simple message,
underneath the accretions of theology and indeed of hellenization: this simple
message was seen as the culmination of the religious development of humanity.
Jesus was said to have put an end to worship in favour of morality. In the end
he was presented as the father of a humanitarian moral message. Fundamentally,
Harnack's goal was to bring Christianity back into harmony with modern reason,
liberating it, that is to say, from seemingly philosophical and theological
elements, such as faith in Christ's divinity and the triune God. In this sense,
historical-critical exegesis of the New Testament, as he saw it, restored to
theology its place within the university: theology, for Harnack, is something
essentially historical and therefore strictly scientific. What it is able to say
critically about Jesus is, so to speak, an expression of practical reason and
consequently it can take its rightful place within the university. Behind this
thinking lies the modern self-limitation of reason, classically expressed in
Kant's "Critiques", but in the meantime further radicalized by the impact of the natural
sciences. This modern concept of reason is based, to put it briefly, on a
synthesis between Platonism (Cartesianism) and empiricism, a synthesis confirmed
by the success of technology. On the one hand it presupposes the mathematical
structure of matter, its intrinsic rationality, which makes it possible to
understand how matter works and use it efficiently: this basic premise is, so to
speak, the Platonic element in the modern understanding of nature. On the other
hand, there is nature's capacity to be exploited for our purposes, and here only the possibility of
verification or falsification through experimentation can yield ultimate
certainty. The weight between the two poles can, depending on the
circumstances, shift from one side to the other. As strongly positivistic a
thinker as J. Monod has declared himself a convinced Platonist/Cartesian.This gives rise to two principles which are crucial for the issue we have
raised. First, only the kind of certainty resulting from the interplay of
mathematical and empirical elements can be considered scientific. Anything that
would claim to be science must be measured against this criterion. Hence the
human sciences, such as history, psychology, sociology and philosophy, attempt
to conform themselves to this canon of scientificity. A second point, which is
important for our reflections, is that by its very nature this method excludes
the question of God, making it appear an unscientific or pre-scientific
question. Consequently, we are faced with a reduction of the radius of science
and reason, one which needs to be questioned.
I will return to this problem later. In the meantime, it must be observed that
from this standpoint any attempt to maintain theology's claim to be "scientific" would end up reducing Christianity to a mere fragment of its former self.
But we must say more: if science as a whole is this and this alone, then it is
man himself who ends up being reduced, for the specifically human questions
about our origin and destiny, the questions raised by religion and ethics, then
have no place within the purview of collective reason as defined by "science", so understood, and must thus be relegated to the realm of the subjective. The
subject then decides, on the basis of his experiences, what he considers tenable
in matters of religion, and the subjective "conscience" becomes the sole arbiter of what is ethical. In this way, though, ethics
and religion lose their power to create a community and become a completely
personal matter. This is a dangerous state of affairs for humanity, as we see
from the disturbing pathologies of religion and reason which necessarily erupt
when reason is so reduced that questions of religion and ethics no longer
concern it. Attempts to construct an ethic from the rules of evolution or from
psychology and sociology, end up being simply inadequate.Before I draw the conclusions to which all this has been leading, I must briefly
refer to the third stage of dehellenization, which is now in progress. In the
light of our experience with cultural pluralism, it is often said nowadays that
the synthesis with Hellenism achieved in the early Church was a preliminary
inculturation which ought not to be binding on other cultures. The latter are
said to have the right to return to the simple message of the New Testament
prior to that inculturation, in order to inculturate it anew in their own
particular milieux. This thesis is not only false; it is coarse and lacking in
precision. The New Testament was written in Greek and bears the imprint of the
Greek spirit, which had already come to maturity as the Old Testament
developed. True, there are elements in the evolution of the early Church which
do not have to be integrated into all cultures. Nonetheless, the fundamental
decisions made about the relationship between faith and the use of human reason
are part of the faith itself; they are developments consonant with the nature of
faith itself.
And so I come to my conclusion. This attempt, painted with broad strokes, at a
critique of modern reason from within has nothing to do with putting the clock
back to the time before the Enlightenment and rejecting the insights of the
modern age. The positive aspects of modernity are to be acknowledged
unreservedly: we are all grateful for the marvellous possibilities that it has
opened up for mankind and for the progress in humanity that has been granted to
us. The scientific ethos, moreover, is - as you yourself mentioned, Magnificent Rector - the will to be obedient to
the truth, and, as such, it embodies an attitude which belongs to the essential
decisions of the Christian spirit. The intention here is not one of
retrenchment or negative criticism, but of broadening our concept of reason and
its application. While we rejoice in the new possibilities open to humanity, we
also see the dangers arising from these possibilities and we must ask ourselves
how we can overcome them. We will succeed in doing so only if reason and faith
come together in a new way, if we overcome the self-imposed limitation of reason
to the empirically verifiable, and if we once more disclose its vast horizons.
In this sense theology rightly belongs in the university and within the
wide-ranging dialogue of sciences, not merely as a historical discipline and one
of the human sciences, but precisely as theology, as inquiry into the
rationality of faith.Only thus do we become capable of that genuine dialogue of cultures and
religions so urgently needed today. In the Western world it is widely held that
only positivistic reason and the forms of philosophy based on it are universally
valid. Yet the world's profoundly religious cultures see this exclusion of the divine from the
universality of reason as an attack on their most profound convictions. A
reason which is deaf to the divine and which relegates religion into the realm
of subcultures is incapable of entering into the dialogue of cultures. At the
same time, as I have attempted to show, modern scientific reason with its
intrinsically Platonic element bears within itself a question which points
beyond itself and beyond the possibilities of its methodology. Modern
scientific reason quite simply has to accept the rational structure of matter
and the correspondence between our spirit and the prevailing rational structures
of nature as a given, on which its methodology has to be based. Yet the
question why this has to be so is a real question, and one which has to be
remanded by the natural sciences to other modes and planes of thought - to philosophy and theology. For philosophy and, albeit in a different
way, for theology, listening to the great experiences and insights of the
religious traditions of humanity, and those of the Christian faith in
particular, is a source of knowledge, and to ignore it would be an unacceptable
restriction of our listening and responding. Here I am reminded of something
Socrates said to Phaedo. In their earlier conversations, many false
philosophical opinions had been raised, and so Socrates says: "It would be easily understandable if someone became so annoyed at all these
false notions that for the rest of his life he despised and mocked all talk
about being - but in this way he would be deprived of the truth of existence and
would suffer a great loss". The West has long been endangered by this aversion to the questions which
underlie its rationality, and can only suffer great harm thereby. The courage
to engage the whole breadth of reason, and not the denial of its grandeur - this is the programme with which a theology grounded in Biblical faith
enters into the debates of our time. "Not to act reasonably, not to act with logos, is contrary to the nature
of God", said Manuel II, according to his Christian understanding of God, in response
to his Persian interlocutor. It is to this great logos, to this breadth
of reason, that we invite our partners in the dialogue of cultures. To
rediscover it constantly is the great task of the university.
***
NOTE:
The Holy Father intends to supply a subsequent version of this text, complete
with footnotes. The present text must therefore be considered provisional.
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